- Hollis Johnson/Business Insider
Editors note: This article was first published in March 2017. It has been updated in light of Roger Stone being found guilty of obstructing the Russia investigation.
- A federal judge sentenced Roger Stone, a longtime ally of President Donald Trump, to 40 months in prison after a jury convicted Stone of making false statements, witness tampering, and obstruction in November.
- Federal prosecutors said Stone attempted to undermine the investigation in order to protect Trump. Stone was found guilty of all seven charges brought against him.
- In January 2019, Special Counsel Robert Mueller indicted him with one count of obstruction, five counts of false statements, and one count of witness tampering.
- Visit Business Insider’s homepage for more stories.
It took nearly 20 years for Roger Stone to realize his dream.
Since the 1980s, the self-described “dirty trickster” who’s been in and around Republican politics for half a century, had made it something of a mission to make Donald Trump president.
Despite parting ways with the Trump campaign in August 2015 – Trump says he fired Stone for hogging the media spotlight; Stone says he quit because Trump attacked Megyn Kelly – Stone has remained one of Trump’s most loyal true believers.
In January 2019, Special Counsel Robert Mueller indicted Stone with one count of obstruction, five counts of false statements, and one count of witness tampering. Stone denied the charges, and pleaded not guilty.
On November 15, 2019, a jury convicted Stone in federal court on all counts against him, including obstructing the congressional investigation into Russian interference in the 2016 presidential election.
Three months later on February 20, a federal judge sentenced Stone to 40 months in prison and ordered him to pay a $20,000 fine, serve four years of probation after his sentence, and complete 250 hours of community service.
Initially, federal prosecutors recommended a seven to nine-year sentence for Stone in February 2020, which Trump immediately criticized on Twitter as “a horrible and very unfair situation,” adding, “the real crimes were on the other side, as nothing happens to them. Cannot allow this miscarriage of justice!
Then in an unprecedented development, the Department of Justice leadership overruled their prosecutors’ sentencing recommendation, releasing a separate memo saying it “could be considered excessive and unwarranted” and that the DOJ will “[defer] to the Court” about how long Stone should be sentenced.
The sudden reversal of the DOJ’s recommendation shocked veteran prosecutors, and led to all four Assistant US Attorneys assigned to the prosecution withdrawing from the case en masse, casting serious doubt over the DOJ’s independence.
Stone was put in the crosshairs of the FBI over communications with a Russian hacker and his alleged communications with WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange as the FBI look for connections between Trump’s campaign and Russian meddling in the 2016 election.
Mueller’s January indictment of Stone repeatedly referred to Stone’s contact with “Organization 1,” which had “posted documents stolen by others” from the US government and citizens.
The filing said it “released tens of thousands of documents stolen from” people including the Democratic National Committee and the personal email account of Clinton campaign chairman, John Podesta.
“Organization 1” is widely believed to be WikiLeaks.
The filing also said Stone deliberately obstructed investigations by the FBI, House Intelligence Committee, and Senate Intelligence Committee into Russian interference in the election.
Stone has repeatedly said he has nothing to do with Russia, but messages he has sent to the hacker accused of a cyberattack on the DNC, as well as Stone’s own provocative statements, continued to raise questions.
“It’s rare that I’m accused of something that I’m not guilty of,” Stone told the New Yorker in 2008.
Stone said in July it’s “a possibility” that he could be indicted over his communications with Russian hacker Guccifer 2.0 and WikiLeaks, which experts had warned could implicate him in a conspiracy to defraud the United States by interfering in the 2016 election.
Stone and the Russians
On August 12, nearly a year after he left Trump’s campaign and a few weeks after WikiLeaks, a radical-transparency group, published the first set of stolen emails from the DNC, Stone reached out through a private message to a Twitter user named “Guccifer 2.0.”
Earlier that August, Stone had written on the alt-right website Breitbart, then controlled by Steve Bannon, that it was “a hacker who goes by the name of Guccifer 2.0” – and not the Russians – who hacked the DNC and fed the documents to WikiLeaks.
But experts quickly linked Guccifer 2.0 back to Russia and concluded that the so-called hacker was the product of a Russian disinformation campaign. When the special counsel’s office indicted 12 Russian security officers for hacking the DNC and the Clinton campaign in July, they said the hacker was a front for Russian military intelligence.
In his messages with Guccifer 2.0, Stone asked if the hacker could retweet his Breitbart column about the 2016 presidential election possibly being “rigged.”
Guccifer 2.0 responded: “i’m pleased to say that u r great man. please tell me if i can help u anyhow. it would be a great pleasure to me.”
Stone later told Business Insider that the interaction he had with the hacker was so “brief and banal” that he “had forgotten it.”
“Not exactly 007 stuff even if Gruccifer [sic] 2.0 was working for the Russkies,” Stone said. “Meaningless.”
Stone’s tweets in the days after his communications with Guccifer 2.0 have raised questions about whether he knew in advance that Podesta’s emails would be imminently published by WikiLeaks.
On August 21, Stone sent a series of famously prescient tweets. “Trust me, it will soon the Podesta’s time in the barrel. #CrookedHillary.” On October 1 Stone tweeted: “Wednesday @HillaryClinton is done.”
Four days later, WikiLeaks published its first set of emails stolen from Hillary Clinton’s campaign manager, John Podesta.
In October, Stone said he had “back-channel communication with Assange,” but has denied having any direct contact with WikiLeaks, saying that he had been getting his information from a mutual friend he shares with Assange, later revealed to be radio host Randy Credico, who has since been subpoenaed to testify in the Mueller probe.
But in February, The Atlantic reported that Stone was in direct communication with WikiLeaks via Twitter in the days leading up to the election.
Mike Pompeo, then the director of the CIA, described WikiLeaks as a “hostile, non-state intelligence service” last year.
“Since I was all over national TV, cable and print defending wikileaks and Assange against the claim that you are Russian agents and debunking the false charges of sexual assault as trumped up bs you may want to reexamine the strategy of attacking me- cordially R,” Stone wrote to Wikileaks on October 13, 2016, according to The Atlantic.
Wikileaks responded the same day, “We appreciate that. However, the false claims of association are being used by the democrats to undermine the impact of our publications. Don’t go there if you don’t want us to correct you.”
“Ha!” Stone wrote back on October 15. “The more you ‘correct’ me the more people think you’re lying. Your operation leaks like a sieve. You need to figure out who your friends are.”
On November 9, the morning after Trump won the presidential election, Wikileaks wrote to Stone, “Happy? We are now more free to communicate.”
It is unclear whether Stone and Wikileaks had any other private communications either before October 13 or after November 9, 2016.
Stone told the House Intelligence Committee in a prepared statement last September that his communications with Wikileaks were always conducted through Credico, an associate of Assange who tweeted a selfie outside the Ecuadorian embassy in London, where Assange lives, two days before WikiLeaks released a trove of Clinton campaign manager John Podesta’s emails. The email dump came the same day as a damning Access Hollywood tape surfaced in which Trump discussed groping women without their consent.
“I have never said or written that I had any direct communication with Julian Assange and have always clarified in numerous interviews and speeches that my communication with WikiLeaks was through the aforementioned journalist,” Stone told the committee.
Meanwhile, NBC News reported in October 2018 that Jerome Corsi, a right-wing conspiracy theorist and close friend of Stone who was subpoenaed to appear before the grand jury, knew in advance that Clinton campaign emails had been stolen and given to WikiLeaks.
- Spencer Platt/Getty Images
Stone told Business Insider in March 2017 that he “had no contacts or communications with the Russian State, Russian Intelligence or anyone fronting for them or acting as intermediaries for them,” he said. “None. Nada. Zilch. I am not in touch with any Russians. don’t have a Russian girlfriend, don’t like Russian dressing and have stopped drinking Russian Vodka.”
The New York Times reported in October 2018 that Stone discussed the WikiLeaks document dumps with both Steve Bannon, then the chairman of the Trump campaign, and Matthew Boyle, who at the time was the Washington editor of the far-right website Breitbart, which was previously spearheaded by Bannon.
In an exchange on Oct. 3, 2016, Boyle reportedly asked Stone, “Assange – what’s he got? Hope it’s good,” to which Stone replied, “It is.”
Boyle then reportedly pressed Bannon to contact Stone about the impending WikiLeaks dump, telling Bannon, “clearly he knows what Assange has.” Just 4 days after that exchange on Oct. 7, WikiLeaks released the trove of John Podesta’s emails.
“Mere knowledge alone might not be enough to establish criminal responsibility,” Cornell Law School Professor Jens David Ohlin told Business Insider about Stone’s potential liability with regard to his contacts with WikiLeaks and Guccifer.
“However, if Stone was not just aware of what WikiLeaks was doing but actually intended for it to happen, then he could be considered a member of the criminal conspiracy and just as guilty as its other members,” he added.
Also in October 2018, Mother Jones reported that Stone had pushed the Trump administration to issue a pre-emptive presidential pardon to Assange, who has not been charged with a crime in the United States.
Ohlin told Business Insider at the time that “if someone offered Assange a pardon in exchange for Assange releasing hacked emails to influence the election, this would constitute a criminal conspiracy. If Trump or those close to him were part of these discussions, they would all be part of the same criminal conspiracy.”
And then emailed leaked which shows top Trump campaign officials and right-wing media allies said they were convinced Stone was closer to Wikileaks than he let on, and Mueller was reported to have several emails from 2016 between the GOP strategist Roger Stone and Corsi that showed Stone anticipated a WikiLeaks document dump at the height of the 2016 election.
The White House, for its part, has worked to distance itself from Stone. During a press conference on March 20, 2017, then-White House press secretary Sean Spicer told reporters that Stone and Trump talk occasionally but that Stone’s work for the campaign ended in August 2015.
“I don’t know at all when the last time they even spoke was,” Spicer said.
In December, Stone invoked his Fifth Amendment right and declined to provide documents requested of him by the Senate Judiciary Committee.
‘Admit nothing, deny everything’
Stone was perhaps the first, and most influential, person to believe in Trump’s political potential.
In 1988, Stone tried to persuade him to run for president. Trump decided against it, but 12 years later he launched a presidential exploratory committee, which Stone chaired.
Since the 1980s, Stone and Trump have fostered a close professional and political relationship. Stone has been characterized as Trump’s longest-serving adviser.
Stone and Trump share remarkably similar worldviews and approaches to politics. Like Trump, Stone has a penchant for making bold, unsubstantiated claims, promoting conspiracy theories, and being unafraid of controversy. He told The New Yorker in 2008 that “The only thing worse in politics than being wrong is being boring.”
Stone encouraged Trump’s infamous “birther” conspiracy, which claimed that President Obama wasn’t born in the US, and promoted unsubstantiated theories that Bill Clinton was a serial rapist and fathered a son.
Trump has apparently adopted many of Stone’s ideas and methods. Stone told The New Yorker in 2008 that “Politics is not about uniting people. It’s about dividing people. And getting your fifty-one per cent.” One of his cardinal rules was “Attack, attack, attack-never defend” and “Admit nothing, deny everything, launch counterattack.”
“It takes a certain kind of consultant who could work for a candidate like Donald Trump and it takes a certain kind of candidate to hire a consultant like Roger Stone,” says Chris Barron, a Washington-based political consultant who has worked with Stone in the past, told the National Review in 2015.
In the 2017 Netflix documentary “Get Me Roger Stone,” Trump says of Stone: “He loves the game, he has fun with it, and he’s very good at it.”
Both Stone and Trump are preoccupied with the news media, and they rail against it as being biased, but also court publicity. Stone is known for being easily accessible, and he seems to relish providing reporters with provocative sound bites. As Stone told The New York Times in 2015 of his life philosophy, “Never miss the opportunity to have sex or be on television, as Gore Vidal said.”
The media has, in turn, portrayed Stone as everything from a “state-of-the-art sleazeball” to a dangerous conspirator. But Stone relishes these descriptions – the more unflattering the better.
“I revel in your hatred, because if I weren’t effective you wouldn’t hate me,” Stone says in “Get Me Roger Stone.”
Stone, who has been a Republican operative for almost 50 years, has long treated politics and campaigning as a battle to be won at any cost. As a junior in high school and vice president of the student government, he forced the president out and succeeded him.
”I built alliances and put all my serious challengers on my ticket,” Stone told The New York Times in 1999. “Then I recruited the most unpopular guy in the school to run against me. You think that’s mean? No, it’s smart.”
Notably, Stone has remained an unapologetic Nixon supporter to this day. After working for Nixon’s campaign in the 1970s, he maintained a close relationship with the president and regularly dined with him at his home in the years following the president’s resignation. Stone has a tattoo of Nixon’s face across his back and a large photograph of the former president over his bed.
Among many, Stone is better known for his eccentricities than his political work.
Throughout his career, Stone has cultivated what he calls his “extraordinary wardrobe,” which includes a taste for seersucker suits and top hats, a style that The New Yorker has said makes Stone look “like a Prohibition-era mobster.”
“If life is a stage, then you should always be in costume,” Stone told The Times.
- Joe Raedle/Getty Images
‘He always tries taking credit for things he never did’
Stone and Trump have had a rocky relationship. In 2008, Trump called Stone a “stone-cold loser,” telling The New Yorker that “he always tries taking credit for things he never did.”
In August 2015, Stone parted ways with Trump’s campaign. While Trump announced that he had fired Stone, accusing him of attempting “to use the campaign for his own personal publicity,” Stone said that he resigned, making public a letter he said he had sent to Trump arguing that the campaign was being derailed by “controversies involving personalities and provocative media fights.”
Stone’s departure came as Trump faced scrutiny surrounding his controversial comments about Fox News anchor Megyn Kelly.
Some conservatives believed Trump’s campaign would suffer without Stone to guide it.
“It’s hard to overstate just how close Trump and Stone have been over the years,” the National Review wrote after Stone had left the campaign. “Trump without Stone is akin to George W. Bush without Karl Rove or Barack Obama without David Axelrod.”
But even after Stone left the campaign, he remained a strong supporter, calling himself “the ultimate Trump loyalist.” In January, Stone published a book, “The Making of the President 2016: How Donald Trump Orchestrated a Revolution,” in which he says Trump was “put on Earth” to be president.
From Nixon to Bush
Stone was raised in Lewisboro, New York, in a white working-class family. He told The New Yorker that while growing up adjacent to New Canaan, a wealthy Connecticut suburb, he saw himself as “living in kind of a bridge between two cultures, the white working class and the white upper class.”
Stone remains convinced that both groups of white Americans should be politically united against what he sees as an overreaching government.
After high school Stone moved to DC to attend George Washington University. He never graduated.
Stone made his debut in national politics at 19, when he sent campaign contributions in the name of a socialist organization to Richard Nixon’s rival in the 1972 Republican presidential primary. He then sent a letter to The New Hampshire Union-Leader with the donation receipt, in an attempt to undermine Nixon’s competitor.
In a 2008 New Yorker article, Stone told reporter Jeffrey Toobin that Nixon started the “exodus of working-class people from the Democratic Party” and realigned the Republican Party’s platform to one founded on antielitism.
“We were the party of the workingman! We wanted lower taxes for everyone, across the board,” Stone said. “The point that the Democrats missed was that the people who weren’t rich wanted to be rich.”
As Toobin wrote, “Stone represents the less discussed but still vigorous legacy of Richard Nixon.”
In 1976, Stone joined Ronald Reagan’s first, unsuccessful run for the Republican presidential nomination as national youth director. Four years later, Stone took on the role of political director of New York, New Jersey, and Connecticut, helping pave Reagan’s path to the White House.
But Stone, ever the campaigner, didn’t take a position in the Reagan administration and instead started a political consulting and lobbying firm, Black, Manafort, Stone & Atwater, along with Paul Manafort, who, decades later, would become Trump’s 2016 presidential campaign chairman.
Stone’s corporate clients included Trump businesses and Rupert Murdoch’s News Corp., on whose behalf Stone lobbied his former campaign colleagues in the administration, and more controversial characters, including dictators in Zaire and the Philippines, and rebels in Angola.
Stone and his firm were on the forefront of a new era of political operatives lobbying their former campaign colleagues, now in powerful positions in the administration, to serve their private-sector ends.
But Stone was drawn back into campaigning when George H.W. Bush ran for president in 1988, serving as a senior consultant to Bush. Stone continued jumping between the campaign trails – for Pennsylvania Republican Arlen Specter and Kansas Republican Bob Dole – until he was kicked off Dole’s presidential campaign after Stone and his wife were caught soliciting “similar couples or exceptional muscular” men for group sex. (Stone denied the accusations at the time but later admitted they were accurate.)
After Stone left Black, Manafort, Stone & Atwater in the mid-1990s, he ran various campaigns, including a billionaire’s bid for New York governor, and then moved down to Miami. In 2000, he was instrumental in orchestrating the so-called Brooks Brothers riot – a chaotic pro-Bush protest outside the Miami recount center – which helped shut down the Florida recount in the presidential election, securing George W. Bush’s victory over Al Gore.
Natasha Bertrand contributed reporting.